Hollywood actor, fortieth President of the United States

Articles

Best of Both Worlds: Milton Friedman reminisces about his career as an economist and his lifetime "avocation" as a spokesman for freedom, by Milton Friedman, Brian Doherty, Reason, Jun 1995
Topics discussed include: the new Congress, flat taxes, the withholding tax, the people who influenced him, what led him to write about policy issues, libertarianism and how his political views have changed over the years
"... I expected so much out of the Reagan administration and was disappointed. I'm a great admirer of Ronald Reagan himself, and I suspect he would have gotten much more done ... But nonetheless, there's no doubt that while he talked about cutting down the size of government, he did not succeed. He did slow it down—you've got to give him credit for some achievements. But not the massive reduction that he hoped for and planned for."
Claiming Paine, by Katherine Mangu-Ward, Reason, Jul 2007
Review of the book Thomas Paine and the Promise of America by Harvey J. Kaye
"And then there is Ronald Reagan's appropriation of Paine. Accepting the nomination at the 1980 Republican convention, he said of the American people: 'They are concerned, yes; they're not frightened. They are disturbed, but not dismayed. They are the kind of men and women Tom Paine had in mind when he wrote, during the darkest days of the American Revolution, "We have it in our power to begin the world over again."' Kaye is aghast: How did Reagan (Reagan!) manage to use Paine to 'bolster conservatism and the Republican Party'?"
Do Elections Guarantee Freedom?, by James Bovard, Future of Freedom, Nov 2007
Discusses whether democratic elections achieve the purported objective of "will of the people" controlling the government
"In his 1989 farewell address, President Ronald Reagan asserted, '"We the People" tell the government what to do, it doesn't tell us. "We the people" are the driver — the government is the car. ...' But the American people did not choose to 'drive' into Beirut and get hundreds of Marines blown up, choose to run up the largest budget deficits in American history ..."
Examining Reagan's Record on Free Trade, by Sheldon Richman, The Wall Street Journal, 10 May 1982
Analyses several actions by the Reagan administration that belie Mr. Reagan's alleged pro-free trade stance
Related Topic: Free Trade
Flashback: Beirut, June 1982: The Reagan Roadmap for Antiterrorism Disaster, by James Bovard, CounterPunch, 8 Oct 2003
Details events before and after the 1983 bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in Beirut
"Muslims also responded to U.S. troops by seizing American hostages. Reagan sent military equipment to Iran as a means to entice the Iranians to exert pressure to get hostages released. After the 'arms for hostages' deal became public (along with the illegal funneling of the proceeds to the Nicaraguan Contras), Reagan's credibility was devastated. "
Related Topic: Lebanon
Interview with Karl Hess, by Karl Hess, A. Lin Neumann, Reason, May 1982
Topics discussed include the Republican Party, National Review, AEI, Goldwater, Rothbard, anarchism, the Vietnam War, Carter and Reagan, fascism, urban enterprise zones, the environment, and authoritarianism vs. freedom
"The Reagan administration is increasing the debt and the national expenditure, not decreasing them, but they're doing it in a popular way. ... You see, perfectly reasonable people who can tell you that you can never solve domestic problems by throwing money at them, like Reagan, are eager to tell you that you can solve international problems by throwing money at them. ... And we have in Reagan the perfect person to do it because ... he may not even be conscious of this at all. Reagan is a perfectly decent middle-class American who believes the rhetoric. ... But I don't think he studies the legislation very hard."
Machiavelli and U.S. Politics, Part 3: Lies and Appearances, by Lawrence M. Ludlow, 19 Aug 2005
"Reagan is remembered for opening the curtains on 'morning in America' despite saddling taxpayers with massive debt and profligate spending, trade protectionism, expanding bureaucracies, and an extension of criminal law that has stuffed our prisons with nonviolent offenders."
The Drug War as a Socialist Enterprise, by Milton Friedman, 16 Nov 1991
From keynote address at Fifth International Conference on Drug Policy Reform; examines why, 20 years after Friedman's admonition against Nixon's drug war, the government continues its attempts at enforcement, in spite of the observable, predicted results
"Ronald Reagan was a man of principle. He is the first president in my life who was elected because the people had come around to agreeing with him, rather than because he was looking at polls and saying what the people wanted to hear. He was saying exactly the same thing in 1980 when he was nominated, as he was in 1964 when he supported Mr. Goldwater. What changed was not what he was saying, but what the public had come to believe."
The Future of an Illusion: Kerry's Tax Policy, by Charles W. Adams, 21 Sep 2004
Discusses presidential candidate John Kerry's proposal to tax "the rich" and provides historical examples of how the wealthy avoid being affected by higher rates
"Ronald Reagan's tax planning is just one simple example of how the rich can easily avoid the upper tax brackets. Someone noticed what a fine golf swing Reagan had, and the answer was that when he reached the top tax bracket, he stopped working and played golf for the rest of the year."
Related Topic: Taxation
The Power of Persuasion, by Jeff Riggenbach, Mises Daily, 20 May 2011
Historical account of the Persuasion magazine, edited by Joan Kennedy Taylor between Sept 1964 and May 1968
"Ronald Reagan, the consummate conservative politician, would exemplify this problem more than a decade later. ... One year later, as the Republican nominee for the presidency, he promised voters to end compulsory draft registration, which had been resurrected by the incumbent president, Jimmy Carter. But in 1982, Reagan reneged on this promise, explaining that ... it could hardly be denied that 'we live in a dangerous world,' and 'in the event of a future threat to national safety, registration could save the United States as much as six weeks in mobilizing emergency manpower.'"
The Reagan Record On Trade: Rhetoric Vs. Reality [PDF], by Sheldon Richman, Policy Analysis, 30 May 1988
Analysis of Ronald Reagan's stance on free trade and protectionism, contrasting what he and those in his administration said with a lengthy list of actual quotas, tariffs and trade negotiation results
"If President Reagan has been trying to teach the American people that free trade is good, it is hard to imagine what an ideologically protectionist president would have said. ... Reagan embraced trade restrictions ... through imposition of a special 45 percent tariff over a five-year period (on top of the regular 5 percent duty) on Japanese heavy motorcycles as a favor to Harley Davidson. "
Related Topic: Free Trade
The Secret State, by Carl Oglesby, 19 Dec 1991
Details various events from the establishment of the Gehlen Org after World War II to the 1991 death of Danny Casolaro that Oglesby says led to the creation of "a national-security oligarchy, a secret and invisible state within the public state"
"Honegger and Sick claim in outline that in 1980 William Casey, long-time U.S. super-spy but at that point without the least portfolio, led a secret Reagan campaign delegation to Europe to strike a secret deal ... In the alleged deal, Iran agreed not to release the hostages until the U.S. presidential race was over, thus denying President Carter the political benefit of getting the hostages back. Reagan agreed that, if elected, he would help Iran acquire certain weapons."
To Defeat the Assault on Liberty, Our Appeals Must Be Moral, by Jim Powell, 13 May 2013
Argues, by providing several historical examples, that "compelling moral appeals for liberty" are needed to confront various current problems such as government spending and debt, higher taxes and disregard of constitutional limits on executive power
"Reagan knew how to deal with class warfare, too: 'Since when do we in America believe that our society is made up of two diametrically opposed classes—one rich, one poor—both in a permanent state of conflict and neither able to get ahead except at the expense of the other? Since when do we in America accept this alien, discredited theory of social and class warfare? Since when do we in America endorse the politics of envy?' Reagan made defending liberty look easy, but he had been speaking, writing and debating for some three decades before his 1980 White House run ..."
Under the Shadow of Inflationomics, by Hans F. Sennholz, Mises Daily, 1 Jun 2006
"The Reagan Administration (1981-1989) reversed long-standing Keynesian trends by pursuing a supply-side economic program of tax and non-defense budget cuts. The program built on the thought that high tax rates and government regulation discourage private investment in areas that fuel economic expansion ..."
Warring as Lying Throughout American History, by James Bovard, Future of Freedom, Feb 2008
Recounts how U.S. Presidents and their administrations since James Polk have lied about wars, from start to finish
"... Reagan portrayed the attack as unstoppable, falsely claiming that the truck 'crashed through a series of barriers, including a chain-link fence and barbed-wire entanglements. The guards opened fire, but it was too late.' In reality, the guards did not fire because they were prohibited from having loaded weapons — one of many pathetic failures of defense that the Reagan administration sought to sweep under the carpet."

Cartoons and Comic Strips

Golly! I was right! Government isn't the solution ..., by Tony Auth, The Philadelphia Inquirer, 13 Sep 2005
Context: Hurricane Katrina
Related Topic: Government

Videos


Leonard Liggio on the Rise of the Modern American Libertarian Movement, by Jacob G. Hornberger, Leonard P. Liggio, 9 Mar 1995
Talk given at Vienna Coffee Club (Future of Freedom Foundation). Liggio starts off with the New Deal and covers many events and individuals both at the core and the periphery of the modern libertarian movement