Avalon Project - Jefferson's Autobiography
, 29 Jul 1821
Covering the period from 1743 (his childhood, with background on his parents) to 1790 (shortly after his return from Paris and before assuming his office as U.S. Secretary of State); written during 6 Jan-29 July 1821
"It appearing in the course of these debates that the colonies of N. York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and South Carolina were not yet matured for falling from the parent stem ... it was thought most prudent to wait a while for them ... but that this might occasion as little delay as possible a committee was appointed to prepare a declaration of independence. The commee were J. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, Robert R. Livingston & myself. ... The committee ... desired me to do it. It was accordingly done, and being approved by them, I reported it to the house on Friday the 28th of June ..."
Independence Day Address in Kansas City, MO
, by Andre Marrou
, 4 Jul 1992
Quoting the "self-evident truths" paragraph of the Declaration, lists how the signers suffered, and contrasts them with government actions since 1913 that betrayed those ideals
"The 56 men who signed the Declaration suffered greatly for their courageous act:
- 5 were captured by the British and tortured to death;
- 12 had their homes destroyed;
- 9 of them died in combat, and
- 3 of them lost their sons in the army.
All told, more than half of the signers endured terrible hardships. But their patriotism and devotion to liberty were not in vain. For 137 years, or until 1913, the country enjoyed life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness under a small, constitutional, benign government. Then things went awry. The ideals of the Declaration of Independence were to be betrayed repeatedly."
Jefferson, Thomas (1743-1826)
, by Daniel J. Mahoney, The Encyclopedia of Libertarianism
, 15 Aug 2008
"In 1775–1776, Jefferson was a Virginia delegate to the Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia, where in June 1776 he drafted the Declaration of Independence, adopted by the Congress on July 4. As he later described his purpose, he sought 'to place before mankind the common sense of the subject'—justification of American independence—'in terms so plain and firm as to command their assent.' In doing so, he also defined the American philosophy of government, which was premised on the fact that each person, by virtue of his or her humanity alone, possessed inherent natural rights, among them the rights of 'life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'"
, by John Fiske, The Presidents of the United States, 1789-1914
Biographical sketch; includes picture of Adams (painting by Gilbert Stuart), photograph of houses where he was born; facsimile of a letter with his signature, and a section on his wife Abigail
"On June 7 the declaration of independence was moved by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, and seconded by John Adams. The motion was allowed to lie on the table for three weeks, in order to hear from the colonies of Connecticut, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and New York, which had not yet declared their position with regard to independence. ... On July 1 Mr. Lee's motion was taken up by congress sitting as a committee of the whole; and, as Mr. Lee was absent, the task of defending it devolved upon Mr. Adams ... Adams's speech on that occasion was probably the finest he ever delivered."
Karl Hess: Presidential Speechwriter Turned Homesteader
, by Karl Hess
, Anson Mount, Mother Earth News
, Jan 1976
"The Plowboy Interview", shortly after Hess' book Dear America
had become a bestseller, questions him about the switch from right wing conservatism to the New Left
"As far as I'm concerned, the federal government is overthrown because the Declaration of Independence clearly states that when a government gets to be intolerable, concerned citizens should abolish it. So I wrote a letter to the government saying that it was abolished. Interestingly enough, however, the Declaration of Independence has no current legal standing. The Constitution superseded it unfortunately."
Leonard E. Read: A Portrait
, by Edmund A. Opitz
, The Freeman
, Sep 1998
Memorial and biographical essay, focusing mostly on Read's life before founding FEE; written for the centennial of his birth
"The Declaration of Independence was Leonard’s favorite. Permit me to quote from Read's interpretation of a portion of one sentence. '... in the fraction of one sentence written into the Declaration of Independence,' Read declared, 'was stated the real American Revolution, the new idea, and it was this: "that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights; that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness." That was it. This is the essence of Americanism. This is the rock upon which the whole "American miracle" was founded. ...'"
Libertarians of Will, Intellect, and Action
, by Murray Rothbard
Keynote address to the Libertarian Party Convention
"For as noble, as exciting, as profoundly libertarian as the Declaration was, it was still the necessary but not sufficient first step in the victory of what we have correctly identified as the First Libertarian Revolution. The Declaration was the rhetoric, the ideology, that set the stage ... It is only because of their dedicated actions that we, their descendants, can celebrate the 4th of July and the Declaration of Independence."
Module 3: Thomas Paine's Common Sense and Thomas Jefferson and the Declaration of Independence
Third module of the Cato Home Study Course, includes link to listen or download audio program (two parts, 1:18:20 and 1:13:52), questions and suggested readings
"The Declaration of Independence is more than a mere declaration of intention to sever political ties with Britain. It is a carefully crafted argument justifying that intention. It ranks as one of the greatest and most influential political documents of all time. ... The Founders offered a careful set of arguments for armed revolution, a course that was not undertaken lightly, with full awareness of the consequences. When he signed a document that concluded, 'We mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor,' each signatory knew that he was signing his own death warrant in the event of failure."
Natural Law and the American Tradition
, by Davis E. Keeler, The Freeman
, May 1981
Discusses the influence of Edward Coke and William Blackstone in early colonial America
"The Declaration of Independence was a statement of these principles. Far from being an extravagant rallying cry for a difficult cause, it was a simple statement of the general political and legal consensus of the colonists. When the infuriated colonists denounced the Stamp Tax and demanded the rights of Englishmen, they were not demanding those rights which Parliament had from time to time granted its subjects but rather those immemorial rights of Englishmen granted by God and manifest in nature which no parliament however representative may take away or alter."
New Declaration of Independence
, by Vince Miller
, Jarret Wollstein
, Jan 2000
Prefaced by quoting the second paragraph of the original Declaration, lists the outrages of the "modern American State" (in a manner similar to the original), ending with a list of demands including Citizen Grand Juries, Citizen Veto and Power of Recall
"Two hundred years ago our ancestors signed a document which forever changed the course of history: the Declaration of Independence. That document ... established for the first time a society based on the principle of the rule of law and limited government. ... But, bit by bit, the principles which made this country great have been forgotten – to the point where the uncontrolled growth of government now threatens to totally destroy our liberty and our prosperity. Thomas Jefferson, George Mason, and the other signers of the original Declaration of Independence were well aware of that danger."
The Declaration of Independence in American
, by H. L. Mencken
, 7 Nov 1921
Originally "Essay in American"; reprinted in The American Language
, third edition, 1923; includes a preface explaining why the original Declaration is "quite unintelligible" to the average current-day (1920's) American
"All we got to say on this proposition is this: first, me and you is as good as anybody else, and maybe a damn sight better; second, nobody ain't got no right to take away none of our rights; third, every man has got a right to live, to come and go as he pleases, and to have a good time whichever way he likes, so long as he don't interfere with nobody else. That any government that don't give a man them rights ain't worth a damn; also, people ought to choose the kind of government they want themselves, and nobody else ought to have no say in the matter."
The Roots of Modern Libertarian Ideas
, by Brian Doherty, Cato Policy Report
, Mar 2007
Survey of the history of libertarian ideas, from ancient China and Greece to 20th century writers
"The libertarian vision is in the Declaration of Independence: we are all created equal; no one ought to have any special rights and privileges in his social relations with other people. We have certain rights—to our life, to our freedom, to do what we please in order to find happiness. Government has just one purpose: to help us protect those rights. And if it doesn't, then we get to 'alter or abolish it.' It's hard to imagine a more libertarian document, but there it is: a sacred founding document of the United States of America."
The Spirit of Humility
[PDF], by Stanley Kober, Cato Journal
Discusses the recognition of the limits on human knowledge, which the author claims leads to the title spirit as evidenced in "the American experiment" and its possible lessons for European unification
"For democratic government to endure, therefore, it must be based on a universal conception of human rights. This was the spirit of the American Declaration of Independence, as Lincoln observed in his response to the Supreme Court's decision in the Dred Scott case, in which the Court decided that slaves could not be considered equal to other human beings. Lincoln replied that the words of the Declaration could not be confined to the white inhabitants of the United States, but had a universal application."
The Wisdom of LeFevre
, by Lew Rockwell
, The Free Market
, Jul 2001
Discusses various aspects of LeFevre's thoughts, e.g., the distinction between true and artificial government, patriotism, and includes excerpts from a draft new Declaration of Independence
"... he saw the American separation from Britain as the decisive event for liberty. It was the Declaration of Independence that firmly established the right of a people to resist and secede from state control. 'So important is the right and duty of the people to dispense with despotism,' he wrote, 'this great Declaration contains the sentence not once, but twice. In its final utterance, the choice of words does not call for the formation of a government. Rather, it calls for "new guards" which may or may not entail such a unit as an artificial agency.'
He further said that "the bill of grievances contained in the immortal Declaration of Independence could be extended by our own citizens in modern times, had they the stomach for it.""
Thomas Jefferson's Sophisticated, Radical Vision of Liberty
, by Jim Powell
, The Freeman
, Jul 1995
Biographical essay, highlighting Jefferson's "felicity of expression" that led him to write the famous words in the Declaration of Independence
"On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee urged the Continental Congress to adopt his resolution for independence. Debate was scheduled for July 1, while Jefferson, Franklin, John Adams, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston were assigned to prepare a statement announcing and justifying independence. Thirty-three-year-old Jefferson drafted the Declaration of Independence on the second floor of a Philadelphia home belonging to bricklayer Jacob Graff, where he rented several rooms. ... By habit, he did most of his writing between about 6:00 PM and midnight. The Declaration took him 17 days."
To Defeat the Assault on Liberty, Our Appeals Must Be Moral
, by Jim Powell
, 13 May 2013
Argues, by providing several historical examples, that "compelling moral appeals for liberty" are needed to confront various current problems such as government spending and debt, higher taxes and disregard of constitutional limits on executive power
"The Declaration resonated with people around the world. The first of dozens of German translations appeared on July 9, 1776. French translations of the Declaration of Independence circulated throughout Europe, from Paris to Berlin and St. Petersburg. During the 19th century, it was translated into Chinese, Japanese, Polish, Russian, Spanish and other languages. Well into the 20th century, new nations issued declarations that adopted phrases from the American Declaration of Independence."
Why Should a Supreme Court Justice Care about Natural Rights?
, by Jim Powell
, 9 Jul 2010
Discusses the evasiveness of Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan when asked about the Declaration of Independence, and argues why justices should heed the natural rights philosophy embodied by its most famous lines
"The immortal opening lines of the Declaration affirm that individuals have rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness because they're human beings, regardless what a law might say. This, the philosophy of natural rights, is crucial because throughout history laws have suppressed liberty. ... In August 1963, at the March on Washington, King appealed to the principles of the Declaration of Independence when he said: 'I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed —we hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.'"
Would-Be Rulers without Clothes
, by Sheldon Richman
, Future of Freedom
, May 2008
Examines Hillary Clinton's assertion about "wanting" a universal health care plan
"It's what Thomas Jefferson meant when he wrote, 'All men are created equal' in the Declaration of Independence. He certainly did not mean that people are equal in intelligence, talent, energy, ambition, physical strength, and so on. And he couldn't have meant that they should merely be equal before the law, because that would be a low bar indeed; we can imagine a society in which the law treats everyone rather poorly but nonetheless equally. ..."